PML-N 采用布托的剧本：旁遮普民族主义作为选举策略

In 1975, a conference on the history of Sindh was organised in Karachi. It was treated as an important event by the then prime minister of Pakistan, ZA Bhutto, who was himself a Sindhi. The conference was the articulation of a policy initiative that the Bhutto regime had been shaping since 1972.

1975年，在卡拉奇组织了一次关于信德省历史的会议。身为信德人的时任巴基斯坦总理扎·布托将其视为一件重要事件。这次会议阐明了布托政权自 1972 年以来一直在制定的一项政策倡议。

The regime had come to power just days after the country’s Bengali-majority East Pakistan had violently broken away on the basis of Bengali nationalism. The regime resolved to fortify the country’s federalism by appropriating various expressions of non-Punjabi ethnic nationalisms, and then aimed to place them in the context of Pakistani nationalism.

该政权上台几天前，孟加拉人占多数的东巴基斯坦在孟加拉民族主义的基础上暴力分裂。该政权决心通过采用非旁遮普民族主义的各种表现形式来强化国家的联邦制，然后将其置于巴基斯坦民族主义的背景下。

Regarding Punjab, it was believed that, since the province enjoyed political and economic hegemony, a token Punjabi nationalism was incapable of posing any existentialist threat to the country. A complex plan was drawn up to appropriate multiple aspects of Sindhi, Baloch and Pakhtun nationalisms, and federalise them as a way to defang their separatist tendencies. Sindh became the first test case. 

至于旁遮普省，人们认为，由于该省享有政治和经济霸权，象征性的旁遮普民族主义无法对该国构成任何存在主义威胁。制定了一项复杂的计划，以适应信德、俾路支和普赫图民族主义的多个方面，并将它们联邦化，以此作为消除其分离主义倾向的一种方式。信德成为第一个测试案例。

One of the foremost opponents of Bhutto and his Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Sindh was the Sindhi nationalist ideologue GM Syed. In 1972, Syed demanded the separation of Sindh from Pakistan. The Bhutto regime responded by creating employment opportunities for Sindhis in government institutions, and making the Sindhi language a compulsory subject in Sindh’s schools.

信德省民族主义理论家赛义德是布托及其信德省巴基斯坦人民党（PPP）最重要的反对者之一。 1972年，赛义德要求信德省从巴基斯坦分离。布托政权的回应是在政府机构中为信德人创造就业机会，并将信德语定为信德学校的必修科目。

The PPP’s version of Sindhi nationalism has the ability to merge seamlessly with Pakistani federalism, and it can also dilute radical religious and political threats. The PML-N may well be taking a leaf out of that book in Punjab

人民党的信德民族主义有能力与巴基斯坦联邦制无缝融合，也可以淡化激进的宗教和政治威胁。 PML-N 很可能会借鉴旁遮普邦的那本书

The regime also appropriated Sindh’s ‘Sufi heritage,’ and the perceived pluralistic temperament of its people. These perceptions were originally shaped by Sindhi nationalists. But they were plucked by the regime, distilled and then poured into the cup of Pakistani nationalism. 

该政权还盗用了信德省的“苏菲传统”及其人民的多元化气质。这些看法最初是由信德民族主义者塑造的。但它们被政权采摘、蒸馏，然后倒入巴基斯坦民族主义的杯子里。

Bhutto wanted to do the same with Pakhtun nationalism and Baloch nationalism as well, but he was toppled in a 1977 military coup by Gen Ziaul Haq. Zia wielded a ‘Political Islam’ that had begun to take shape within the military after the antagonistic departure of East Pakistan in 1971. 

布托也想对普赫图民族主义和俾路支民族主义采取同样的做法，但他在 1977 年齐乌尔·哈克将军的军事政变中被推翻。 1971 年东巴基斯坦敌对离开后，齐亚推行的“政治伊斯兰”在军队内部开始形成。

Zia tried to negate ethnic nationalisms in the country with this tool. For example, he magnified the importance of Islam in Pakhtun culture to undermine the ‘anti-state’ secular manifestations of Pakhtun nationalism. Baloch nationalism, on the other hand, was allowed to simmer because it seemed exhausted after getting embroiled in an armed conflict with the Bhutto regime in the 1970s. 

齐亚试图用这个工具来否定该国的民族主义。例如，他放大了伊斯兰教在普赫图文化中的重要性，以破坏普赫图民族主义的“反国家”世俗表现。另一方面，俾路支民族主义之所以被允许酝酿，是因为它在卷入 20 世纪 70 年代与布托政权的武装冲突后似乎已经筋疲力尽。

In Sindh, Zia looked to change the meaning of what Bhutto had distilled. For example, Zia, a Punjabi, constantly referred to popular folk heroes of Sindh and famous Sindhi Sufi saints as ‘ulema’ who had worked towards creating a Sharia state. Zia succeeded in proliferating the idea of an Islamicised, ‘pro-state’ Pakhtun nationalism, but failed in Sindh, where Bhutto’s federalised idea of Sindhi nationalism remained intact. 

在信德省，齐亚希望改变布托所提炼的内容的含义。例如，旁遮普人齐亚经常将信德省流行的民间英雄和著名的信德苏菲派圣人称为“乌里玛”，他们为创建伊斯兰教国家而努力。齐亚成功地传播了伊斯兰化、“亲国家”的普赫图民族主义思想，但在信德省却失败了，布托信德民族主义的联邦化思想仍然完好无损。

From 2008, when the PPP started to lose electoral ground in Punjab, the party’s chairperson Asif Ali Zardari began to place Bhutto’s distilled variant of Sindhi nationalism at the centre of the party’s electoral strategy. The objective was to electorally secure Sindh. Through focused economic initiatives, and a federalised Sindhi nationalist ethos, the PPP succeeded in creating an electoral hegemony in Sindh. 

从2008年起，当人民党开始在旁遮普省失去选区时，该党主席阿西夫·阿里·扎尔达里开始将布托的信德民族主义提炼版本置于该党选举战略的核心。目标是确保信德省的选举安全。通过集中的经济举措和联邦化的信德民族主义精神，人民党成功地在信德省建立了选举霸权。

Recently, the newly elected chief minister of Punjab, Maryam Nawaz Sharif, declared that her government will mandate the teaching of the Punjabi language in all schools of the province. Maryam belongs to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Punjab is the country’s largest province. It also has the most number of seats in the parliament. The PML-N has often been the leading party in the province. Till 2008, its main nemesis here was the PPP. But from 2013 onwards, Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) has been PML-N’s foremost challenger in Punjab.

最近，新当选的旁遮普省首席部长玛丽亚姆·纳瓦兹·谢里夫宣布，她的政府将强制该省所有学校教授旁遮普语。 Maryam 属于巴基斯坦穆斯林联盟纳瓦兹 (PML-N)。旁遮普省是该国最大的省份。它还在议会中拥有最多席位。 PML-N 经常是该省的领导政党。直到 2008 年，它的主要对手是 PPP。但从 2013 年起，伊姆兰·汗 (Imran Khan) 领导的巴基斯坦正义运动 (PTI) 一直是 PML-N 在旁遮普省最重要的挑战者。

There has always been a quiet variant of Punjabi nationalism and/or ‘Punjabiyat’ in the PML-N. The only time it surged was during the 1988 elections, when Maryam’s father, Nawaz Sharif, tried to portray the PPP as a Sindhi party. Sharif complained that the Punjabis were willing to vote for the Sindhi Bhuttos, but the Sindhis refused to vote for Punjabi politicians. One of the founding members of the PPP, Hanif Ramay, a Punjabi, denounced Sharif’s anti-PPP narrative as a “vulgar expression of Punjabi nationalism.” 

PML-N 中一直存在着旁遮普民族主义和/或“旁遮普”的安静变体。它唯一一次飙升是在 1988 年选举期间，当时玛丽亚姆的父亲纳瓦兹·谢里夫试图将人民党描绘成信德政党。谢里夫抱怨旁遮普人愿意投票给信德人布托，但信德人拒绝投票给旁遮普政客。人民党的创始成员之一、旁遮普人哈尼夫·拉梅谴责谢里夫的反人民党言论是“旁遮普民族主义的粗俗表达”。

In the 1980s, Ramay had become a passionate exponent of ‘Punjabiyat’. He saw it as a progressive idea rooted in Punjab’s Sufi traditions. These traditions, and the Punjabi language, Ramay lamented, were suppressed, first by the British, and then by the promoters of Urdu. Ramay was simply reworking an idea that had begun to emerge in Pakistan in the 1950s, when a Punjabi Cultural Council was formed. Its aim was to make Punjabi a subject at educational institutions, but the effort failed. 

20 世纪 80 年代，拉梅成为“旁遮普语”的热情倡导者。他认为这是植根于旁遮普邦苏菲派传统的进步思想。拉迈哀叹道，这些传统以及旁遮普语首先受到英国人的压制，然后又受到乌尔都语倡导者的压制。拉梅只是对 20 世纪 50 年代旁遮普文化委员会成立时在巴基斯坦开始出现的一个想法进行了改造。其目标是使旁遮普语成为教育机构的一个科目，但这一努力失败了。

However, according to the linguist Tariq Rahman, the ‘Punjabi language movement’ mushroomed in the 1960s. But like the non-Punjabi ethnic-nationalist movements, it too began to move to the left and quickly fell afoul of the state. 

然而，根据语言学家塔里克·拉赫曼 (Tariq Rahman) 的说法，“旁遮普语运动”在 20 世纪 60 年代如雨后春笋般兴起。但就像非旁遮普民族主义运动一样，它也开始左倾并很快与国家发生冲突。

It was during the Zia dictatorship in the 1980s that the movement became overtly political. In 1985, a ‘Charter of Punjabi-Speaking People’ was signed by 139 scholars and intellectuals. They demanded the teaching of Punjabi language and literature in Punjab’s schools, including Punjabi literature produced by non-Muslim Punjabis, especially the Sikh. 

正是在 20 世纪 80 年代齐亚独裁时期，该运动变得公开政治化。 1985年，139名学者和知识分子签署了《旁遮普语人民宪章》。他们要求在旁遮普学校教授旁遮普语言和文学，包括非穆斯林旁遮普人，特别是锡克教徒创作的旁遮普文学。

The scholars advised that the movement should ally itself with working class Punjabis, because the Punjabi elites and middle-class Punjabis had shunned Punjabi language and culture. The right-wing Urdu press claimed that ‘Punjabiyat’ was being used by Punjabi leftists as a way to undermine Islam in Pakistan. 

学者们建议该运动应与旁遮普工人阶级结盟，因为旁遮普精英和中产阶级旁遮普人回避了旁遮普语言和文化。右翼乌尔都语媒体声称“旁遮普语”被旁遮普左翼分子用来破坏巴基斯坦的伊斯兰教。

Sindhi nationalism that was distilled by Bhutto and then placed in the context of Pakistani federalism went a long way in aiding the PPP to develop an almost monopolistic electoral supremacy in Sindh. With the PML-N’s hold in Punjab weakening, one can conclude that the party might now be trying to rejuvenate its appeal in Punjab by appropriating Punjabi nationalism. However, Punjabi nationalism was never separatist.

由布托提炼出来的信德民族主义，然后置于巴基斯坦联邦制的背景下，在帮助人民党在信德省建立几乎垄断的选举霸权方面发挥了很大作用。随着PML-N在旁遮普邦的控制力减弱，人们可以得出这样的结论：该党现在可能正试图通过利用旁遮普民族主义来恢复其在旁遮普邦的吸引力。然而，旁遮普民族主义从来都不是分离主义。

What Zardari and the PPP did with Bhutto’s distilled Sindhi nationalism, PML-N too may want to use to shape Punjabi nationalism as an electoral ploy. Ethnic nationalisms in Pakistan were inherently progressive. As demonstrated by the case of distilled Sindhi nationalism, such variants have the ability to merge seamlessly with Pakistani federalism. They can also dilute radical religious and political threats. 

扎尔达里和人民党对布托精炼的信德民族主义所做的事情，穆斯林联盟-北派也可能想利用来将旁遮普民族主义塑造为一种选举策略。巴基斯坦的民族主义本质上是进步的。正如精炼的信德民族主义的例子所证明的那样，这些变体有能力与巴基斯坦联邦制无缝融合。它们还可以淡化激进的宗教和政治威胁。

The PML-N is being cornered in Punjab by the populist PTI from one side, and by Barelvi Islamists from the other. Applying the Punjabi nationalist card may turn out to be a sound political ploy.

PML-N 在旁遮普省一方面被民粹主义的 PTI 围困，另一方面又被 Barelvi 伊斯兰主义者逼入绝境。使用旁遮普民族主义牌可能会成为一个合理的政治策略。

Published in Dawn, EOS, March 24th, 2024

发表于 EOS 黎明，2024 年 3 月 24 日