PML-N 採用布託的劇本：旁遮普民族主義作為選舉策略

In 1975, a conference on the history of Sindh was organised in Karachi. It was treated as an important event by the then prime minister of Pakistan, ZA Bhutto, who was himself a Sindhi. The conference was the articulation of a policy initiative that the Bhutto regime had been shaping since 1972.

1975年，在卡拉奇組織了一次關於信德省歷史的會議。身為信德人的時任巴基斯坦總理札·布托將其視為一件重要事件。這次會議闡明了布托政權自 1972 年以來一直在製定的一項政策倡議。

The regime had come to power just days after the country’s Bengali-majority East Pakistan had violently broken away on the basis of Bengali nationalism. The regime resolved to fortify the country’s federalism by appropriating various expressions of non-Punjabi ethnic nationalisms, and then aimed to place them in the context of Pakistani nationalism.

政權上台幾天前，孟加拉人佔多數的東巴基斯坦在孟加拉民族主義的基礎上暴力分裂。該政權決心透過採用非旁遮普民族主義的各種表現形式來強化國家的聯邦制，然後將其置於巴基斯坦民族主義的背景下。

Regarding Punjab, it was believed that, since the province enjoyed political and economic hegemony, a token Punjabi nationalism was incapable of posing any existentialist threat to the country. A complex plan was drawn up to appropriate multiple aspects of Sindhi, Baloch and Pakhtun nationalisms, and federalise them as a way to defang their separatist tendencies. Sindh became the first test case. 

至於旁遮普省，人們認為，由於該省享有政治和經濟霸權，象徵性的旁遮普民族主義無法對該國構成任何存在主義威脅。制定了一項複雜的計劃，以適應信德、俾路支和普赫圖民族主義的多個方面，並將它們聯邦化，以此作為消除其分離主義傾向的一種方式。信德成為第一個測試案例。

One of the foremost opponents of Bhutto and his Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Sindh was the Sindhi nationalist ideologue GM Syed. In 1972, Syed demanded the separation of Sindh from Pakistan. The Bhutto regime responded by creating employment opportunities for Sindhis in government institutions, and making the Sindhi language a compulsory subject in Sindh’s schools.

信德省民族主義理論家賽義德是布托及其信德省巴基斯坦人民黨（PPP）最重要的反對者之一。 1972年，賽義德要求信德省從巴基斯坦分離。布托政權的回應是在政府機構中為信德人創造就業機會，並將信德語定為信德學校的必修科目。

The PPP’s version of Sindhi nationalism has the ability to merge seamlessly with Pakistani federalism, and it can also dilute radical religious and political threats. The PML-N may well be taking a leaf out of that book in Punjab

人民黨的信德民族主義有能力與巴基斯坦聯邦制無縫融合，也可以淡化激進的宗教和政治威脅。 PML-N 很可能會借鏡旁遮普邦的那本書

The regime also appropriated Sindh’s ‘Sufi heritage,’ and the perceived pluralistic temperament of its people. These perceptions were originally shaped by Sindhi nationalists. But they were plucked by the regime, distilled and then poured into the cup of Pakistani nationalism. 

該政權也盜用了信德省的「蘇菲傳統」及其人民的多元化氣質。這些看法最初是由信德民族主義者所塑造的。但它們被政權採摘、蒸餾，然後倒入巴基斯坦民族主義的杯子裡。

Bhutto wanted to do the same with Pakhtun nationalism and Baloch nationalism as well, but he was toppled in a 1977 military coup by Gen Ziaul Haq. Zia wielded a ‘Political Islam’ that had begun to take shape within the military after the antagonistic departure of East Pakistan in 1971. 

布託也想對普赫圖民族主義和俾路支民族主義採取同樣的做法，但他在 1977 年齊烏爾·哈克將軍的軍事政變中被推翻。 1971 年東巴基斯坦敵對離開後，齊亞推行的「政治伊斯蘭」在軍隊內部開始形成。

Zia tried to negate ethnic nationalisms in the country with this tool. For example, he magnified the importance of Islam in Pakhtun culture to undermine the ‘anti-state’ secular manifestations of Pakhtun nationalism. Baloch nationalism, on the other hand, was allowed to simmer because it seemed exhausted after getting embroiled in an armed conflict with the Bhutto regime in the 1970s. 

齊亞試圖用這個工具來否定該國的民族主義。例如，他放大了伊斯蘭教在普赫圖文化中的重要性，以破壞普赫圖民族主義的「反國家」世俗表現。另一方面，俾路支民族主義之所以被允許醞釀，是因為它在捲入 20 世紀 70 年代與布托政權的武裝衝突後似乎筋疲力盡。

In Sindh, Zia looked to change the meaning of what Bhutto had distilled. For example, Zia, a Punjabi, constantly referred to popular folk heroes of Sindh and famous Sindhi Sufi saints as ‘ulema’ who had worked towards creating a Sharia state. Zia succeeded in proliferating the idea of an Islamicised, ‘pro-state’ Pakhtun nationalism, but failed in Sindh, where Bhutto’s federalised idea of Sindhi nationalism remained intact. 

在信德省，齊亞希望改變布託所提煉的內容的意義。例如，旁遮普人齊亞經常將信德省流行的民間英雄和著名的信德蘇菲派聖人稱為“烏裡瑪”，他們為創建伊斯蘭教國家而努力。齊亞成功地傳播了伊斯蘭化、「親國」的普赫圖民族主義思想，但在信德省卻失敗了，布托信德民族主義的聯邦化思想仍然完好無損。

From 2008, when the PPP started to lose electoral ground in Punjab, the party’s chairperson Asif Ali Zardari began to place Bhutto’s distilled variant of Sindhi nationalism at the centre of the party’s electoral strategy. The objective was to electorally secure Sindh. Through focused economic initiatives, and a federalised Sindhi nationalist ethos, the PPP succeeded in creating an electoral hegemony in Sindh. 

從2008年起，當人民黨開始在旁遮普省失去選區時，該黨主席阿西夫·阿里·扎爾達裡開始將布託的信德民族主義提煉版本置於該黨選舉戰略的核心。目標是確保信德省的選舉安全。透過集中的經濟措施和聯邦化的信德民族主義精神，人民黨成功地在信德省建立了選舉霸權。

Recently, the newly elected chief minister of Punjab, Maryam Nawaz Sharif, declared that her government will mandate the teaching of the Punjabi language in all schools of the province. Maryam belongs to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Punjab is the country’s largest province. It also has the most number of seats in the parliament. The PML-N has often been the leading party in the province. Till 2008, its main nemesis here was the PPP. But from 2013 onwards, Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) has been PML-N’s foremost challenger in Punjab.

最近，新當選的旁遮普省首席部長瑪麗亞姆·納瓦茲·謝里夫宣布，她的政府將強制該省所有學校教授旁遮普語。 Maryam 屬於巴基斯坦穆斯林聯盟納瓦茲 (PML-N)。旁遮普省是該國最大的省份。它還在議會中擁有最多席位。 PML-N 經常是該省的領導政黨。直到 2008 年，它的主要對手是 PPP。但從 2013 年起，伊姆蘭汗 (Imran Khan) 領導的巴基斯坦正義運動 (PTI) 一直是 PML-N 在旁遮普省最重要的挑戰者。

There has always been a quiet variant of Punjabi nationalism and/or ‘Punjabiyat’ in the PML-N. The only time it surged was during the 1988 elections, when Maryam’s father, Nawaz Sharif, tried to portray the PPP as a Sindhi party. Sharif complained that the Punjabis were willing to vote for the Sindhi Bhuttos, but the Sindhis refused to vote for Punjabi politicians. One of the founding members of the PPP, Hanif Ramay, a Punjabi, denounced Sharif’s anti-PPP narrative as a “vulgar expression of Punjabi nationalism.” 

PML-N 中一直存在著旁遮普民族主義和/或「旁遮普」的安靜變體。它唯一一次飆升是在 1988 年選舉期間，當時瑪麗亞姆的父親納瓦茲·謝里夫試圖將人民黨描繪成信德政黨。謝里夫抱怨旁遮普人願意投票給信德布托，但信德人拒絕投票給旁遮普政客。人民黨的創始成員之一、旁遮普人哈尼夫·拉梅譴責謝里夫的反人民黨言論是「旁遮普民族主義的粗俗表達」。

In the 1980s, Ramay had become a passionate exponent of ‘Punjabiyat’. He saw it as a progressive idea rooted in Punjab’s Sufi traditions. These traditions, and the Punjabi language, Ramay lamented, were suppressed, first by the British, and then by the promoters of Urdu. Ramay was simply reworking an idea that had begun to emerge in Pakistan in the 1950s, when a Punjabi Cultural Council was formed. Its aim was to make Punjabi a subject at educational institutions, but the effort failed. 

20 世紀 80 年代，拉梅成為「旁遮普語」的熱情倡導者。他認為這是根植於旁遮普蘇菲派傳統的進步思想。拉邁哀嘆道，這些傳統以及旁遮普語首先受到英國人的壓制，然後又受到烏爾都語倡導者的壓制。拉梅只是對 20 世紀 50 年代旁遮普文化委員會成立時在巴基斯坦開始出現的一個想法進行了改造。其目標是使旁遮普語成為教育機構的科目，但這項努力失敗了。

However, according to the linguist Tariq Rahman, the ‘Punjabi language movement’ mushroomed in the 1960s. But like the non-Punjabi ethnic-nationalist movements, it too began to move to the left and quickly fell afoul of the state. 

然而，根據語言學家 Tariq Rahman 的說法，「旁遮普語運動」在 20 世紀 60 年代如雨後春筍般興起。但就像非旁遮普民族主義運動一樣，它也開始左傾並很快與國家發生衝突。

It was during the Zia dictatorship in the 1980s that the movement became overtly political. In 1985, a ‘Charter of Punjabi-Speaking People’ was signed by 139 scholars and intellectuals. They demanded the teaching of Punjabi language and literature in Punjab’s schools, including Punjabi literature produced by non-Muslim Punjabis, especially the Sikh. 

正是在 20 世紀 80 年代齊亞獨裁時期，該運動變得公開政治化。 1985年，139名學者和知識分子簽署了《旁遮普語人民憲章》。他們要求在旁遮普學校教授旁遮普語言和文學，包括非穆斯林旁遮普人，特別是錫克教徒創作的旁遮普文學。

The scholars advised that the movement should ally itself with working class Punjabis, because the Punjabi elites and middle-class Punjabis had shunned Punjabi language and culture. The right-wing Urdu press claimed that ‘Punjabiyat’ was being used by Punjabi leftists as a way to undermine Islam in Pakistan. 

學者建議該運動應與旁遮普工人階級結盟，因為旁遮普精英和中產階級旁遮普人迴避了旁遮普語言和文化。右翼烏爾都語媒體聲稱「旁遮普語」被旁遮普左翼分子用來破壞巴基斯坦的伊斯蘭教。

Sindhi nationalism that was distilled by Bhutto and then placed in the context of Pakistani federalism went a long way in aiding the PPP to develop an almost monopolistic electoral supremacy in Sindh. With the PML-N’s hold in Punjab weakening, one can conclude that the party might now be trying to rejuvenate its appeal in Punjab by appropriating Punjabi nationalism. However, Punjabi nationalism was never separatist.

由布托提煉出來的信德民族主義，然後置於巴基斯坦聯邦制的背景下，在幫助人民黨在信德省建立幾乎壟斷的選舉霸權方面發揮了很大作用。隨著PML-N在旁遮普邦的控制力減弱，人們可以得出這樣的結論：該黨現在可能正試圖透過利用旁遮普民族主義來恢復其在旁遮普邦的吸引力。然而，旁遮普民族主義從來就不是分離主義。

What Zardari and the PPP did with Bhutto’s distilled Sindhi nationalism, PML-N too may want to use to shape Punjabi nationalism as an electoral ploy. Ethnic nationalisms in Pakistan were inherently progressive. As demonstrated by the case of distilled Sindhi nationalism, such variants have the ability to merge seamlessly with Pakistani federalism. They can also dilute radical religious and political threats. 

札爾達里和人民黨對布托精煉的信德民族主義所做的事情，穆斯林聯盟-北派也可能想利用來將旁遮普民族主義塑造為一種選舉策略。巴基斯坦的民族主義本質上是進步的。正如精煉的信德民族主義的例子所證明的那樣，這些變體有能力與巴基斯坦聯邦制無縫融合。它們還可以淡化激進的宗教和政治威脅。

The PML-N is being cornered in Punjab by the populist PTI from one side, and by Barelvi Islamists from the other. Applying the Punjabi nationalist card may turn out to be a sound political ploy.

PML-N 在旁遮普省一方面被民粹主義的 PTI 圍困，另一方面又被 Barelvi 伊斯蘭主義者逼入絕境。使用旁遮普民族主義牌可能會成為一個合理的政治策略。

Published in Dawn, EOS, March 24th, 2024

發表於 EOS 黎明，2024 年 3 月 24 日