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政府不断试图重新猜测其批评者,只会令其支持者失望,并助长其反对者的胆量
Labour’s shadow foreign secretary, David Lammy, has announced that the UK government is suspending around thirty arms export licences to Israel.
工党影子外交大臣戴维·拉米宣布,英国政府将暂停向以色列发放约 30 个武器出口许可证。
This follows Labour’s withdrawal of the previous government’s objection to the request for war crimes charges against Israeli leaders by the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor, Karim Khan KC. It confirms a shift in the UK’s stance under the new Government – as the protests of Israeli leaders confirm.
此前,工党撤回了前政府对国际刑事法院首席检察官卡里姆·汗 KC 对以色列领导人提出战争罪指控的反对意见。这证实了新政府领导下英国立场的转变 — — 正如以色列领导人的抗议所证实的那样。
Yet, as Lammy admitted, when he noted that the UK supplies only about one per cent of Israeli arms imports, this is a largely token move.
然而,正如拉米承认的那样,当他指出英国仅供应以色列武器进口的约百分之一时,这在很大程度上是象征性的举动。
In particular, the exclusion of F-35 parts from the suspensions, when these planes are used for much of the most murderous bombing, makes it far less effective than it could have been. Certainly, the policy change is nowhere near matching the gravity of Israel’s destruction of Gaza.
特别是,当 F-35 飞机被用于大部分最具杀伤力的轰炸时,将 F-35 零件排除在悬架之外,使其效果远不如预期。当然,政策变化远不及以色列破坏加沙的严重程度。
Lammy stated that the government “could not arbitrate on whether or not Israel has breached international humanitarian law”.
拉米表示,政府“无法就以色列是否违反国际人道主义法进行仲裁”。
Yet, the Foreign Office paper supporting his statement refers to its assessment of “Israel’s capability and commitment to comply” with international humanitarian law based on its “record of compliance”.
然而,外交部支持其声明的文件提到,其根据以色列的“遵守记录”对“以色列遵守国际人道主义法的能力和承诺”进行了评估。
This apparently concluded that Israel had failed in its duty as Occupying Power to ensure that sufficient aid had reached the population of Gaza and had been credibly reported to have mistreated detainees. However, it claims that “it has not been possible to reach a determinative judgment on allegations regarding Israel’s conduct of hostilities”, which of course is the overriding issue.
这显然得出的结论是,以色列未能履行作为占领国的职责,确保向加沙人民提供足够的援助,并且有可信的报道称其虐待了被拘留者。然而,它声称“无法对有关以色列敌对行为的指控达成决定性判断”,这当然是最重要的问题。
It is hardly conceivable that Lammy’s actual legal advice – which, notably, he has not published – brushed off so easily Israel’s huge, murderous bombardment which has killed tens of thousands, wounded many more and rendered two million homeless, or that it made no reference to either Khan’s charges of grave war crimes in this assault or the International Court of Justice’s conclusion, over six months ago, that Gaza’s population was at “plausible risk” of genocide – a risk that can only have increased with Israel’s defiance of the court’s instructions to change course. We need a whistleblower to tell us what the FO’s lawyers actually think.
很难想象拉米的实际法律建议——值得注意的是,他还没有发表——如此轻易地驳回了以色列大规模、凶残的轰炸,这场轰炸造成数万人死亡,更多人受伤,200万人无家可归,或者它没有提及无论是汗在这次袭击中犯下严重战争罪的指控,还是国际法院在六个多月前得出的结论,即加沙人民面临种族灭绝的“看似合理的风险” — — 随着以色列藐视法院的指示,这种风险只会增加改变路线。我们需要一名举报人来告诉我们 FO 律师的真实想法。
In contrast to the Khan’s charge sheet or the ICJ’s judgements, Lammy and his paper skate very lightly over Israel’s outrages.
与可汗的指控单或国际法院的判决相反,拉米和他的文件对以色列的暴行非常轻描淡写。
It is clearly more than credible, as the ICJ’s rulings suggest, that its attacks on Gaza’s civilians are not merely a series of individual war crimes, or even crimes against humanity, but reflect the overall, genocidal intent of Israeli leaders, amply demonstrated by their statements since October 2023, to cripple or destroy its people.
正如国际法院的裁决所表明的那样,它对加沙平民的袭击显然不仅仅是一系列单独的战争罪,甚至是反人类罪,而是反映了以色列领导人总体上的种族灭绝意图,这一点通过他们的行为就得到了充分证明。自 2023 年 10 月以来的言论,旨在削弱或摧毁其人民。
The court will have to decide this question, in response to the case that South Africa has brought against Israel, and Khan could also be considering genocide charges against Benjamin Netanyahu and his fellow-ministers (indeed also against Hamas leaders for the massacres of October 7).
法院必须就南非针对以色列提起的案件做出裁决,汗也可能会考虑对本杰明·内塔尼亚胡及其部长同事提出种族灭绝指控(实际上还针对哈马斯领导人 10 月 7 日的大屠杀) )。
Yet Lammy feels able to ignore the whole issue, which amounts to genocide denial. Nor is this merely an arms trade or legal question.
然而拉米觉得可以忽略整个问题,这相当于否认种族灭绝。这不仅仅是一个军火贸易或法律问题。
The UK has a military collaboration agreement with Israel, the details of which are classified, and it has deployed its military to the eastern Mediterranean to support Israel since last October.
英国与以色列签订了军事合作协议,其细节属于机密,并且自去年10月以来已在东地中海部署军队以支持以色列。
In political and diplomatic terms, British leaders have endlessly provided Israel with the cover of “self-defence”, although Israel is engaging in violent aggression against the civilian populations of illegally occupied territories. (Its legitimate defence needs could easily be met by pulling its forces back to its borders – if they had been there on 7 October, Hamas’ atrocities would never have happened).
在政治和外交方面,尽管以色列正在对非法占领领土的平民进行暴力侵略,但英国领导人却不断地为以色列提供“自卫”掩护。 (其合法的防御需求很容易通过将其部队撤回边境来满足——如果他们在 10 月 7 日就到达那里,哈马斯的暴行就不会发生)。
If this is genocide, not only are Israel’s leaders guilty of orchestrating it, but the UK and other Western leaders are guilty of enabling it.
如果这是种族灭绝,那么不仅以色列领导人有罪策划它,而且英国和其他西方领导人也有罪。
You do not respond to genocide with gestures; you do not continue to treat a state that is suspected of committing genocide as an ally; and cancelling a number of export licences does not cancel Britain’s complicity.
你不会用手势来回应种族灭绝;您不会继续将涉嫌犯下种族灭绝罪的国家视为盟友;取消一些出口许可证并不能消除英国的同谋。
Lammy said that he was “looking forward”. But Labour needs a much more radical change of policy.
拉米表示他“很期待”。但工党需要更彻底的政策改变。
The UK needs to use all its levers to help end Israel’s military action in Gaza, ensure its complete withdrawal from the territory, and allow international agencies full access to support the survivors, as well as halting Israeli aggression in the West Bank.
英国需要利用一切手段帮助结束以色列在加沙的军事行动,确保其完全撤出该领土,并允许国际机构全面支持幸存者,并制止以色列对约旦河西岸的侵略。
The UK’s complicity over the last eleven months increases the government’s duty to abandon its support for Israel and seek justice for Palestinians.
英国在过去十一个月的共谋增加了政府放弃对以色列的支持并为巴勒斯坦人寻求正义的责任。
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