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政府不斷試圖重新猜測其批評者,只會令其支持者失望,並助長其反對者的膽量
Labour’s shadow foreign secretary, David Lammy, has announced that the UK government is suspending around thirty arms export licences to Israel.
工黨影子外交大臣大衛·拉米宣布,英國政府將暫停向以色列發放約 30 個武器出口許可證。
This follows Labour’s withdrawal of the previous government’s objection to the request for war crimes charges against Israeli leaders by the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor, Karim Khan KC. It confirms a shift in the UK’s stance under the new Government – as the protests of Israeli leaders confirm.
此前,工黨撤回了前政府對國際刑事法院首席檢察官卡里姆·汗 KC 對以色列領導人提出戰爭罪指控的反對意見。這證實了新政府領導下英國立場的轉變 — — 正如以色列領導人的抗議所證實的那樣。
Yet, as Lammy admitted, when he noted that the UK supplies only about one per cent of Israeli arms imports, this is a largely token move.
然而,正如拉米所承認的那樣,當他指出英國僅供應以色列武器進口的約百分之一時,這在很大程度上是像徵性的舉動。
In particular, the exclusion of F-35 parts from the suspensions, when these planes are used for much of the most murderous bombing, makes it far less effective than it could have been. Certainly, the policy change is nowhere near matching the gravity of Israel’s destruction of Gaza.
特別是,當 F-35 飛機被用於大部分最具殺傷力的轟炸時,將 F-35 零件排除在懸弔之外,使其效果遠不如預期。當然,政策改變遠不及以色列破壞加薩的嚴重程度。
Lammy stated that the government “could not arbitrate on whether or not Israel has breached international humanitarian law”.
拉米表示,政府「無法就以色列是否違反國際人道法進行仲裁」。
Yet, the Foreign Office paper supporting his statement refers to its assessment of “Israel’s capability and commitment to comply” with international humanitarian law based on its “record of compliance”.
然而,外交部支持其聲明的文件提到,其根據以色列的「遵守記錄」對「以色列遵守國際人道主義法的能力和承諾」進行了評估。
This apparently concluded that Israel had failed in its duty as Occupying Power to ensure that sufficient aid had reached the population of Gaza and had been credibly reported to have mistreated detainees. However, it claims that “it has not been possible to reach a determinative judgment on allegations regarding Israel’s conduct of hostilities”, which of course is the overriding issue.
這顯然得出的結論是,以色列未能履行作為佔領國的職責,確保向加薩人民提供足夠的援助,並且有可信的報道稱其虐待了被拘留者。然而,它聲稱“無法對有關以色列敵對行為的指控達成決定性判斷”,這當然是最重要的問題。
It is hardly conceivable that Lammy’s actual legal advice – which, notably, he has not published – brushed off so easily Israel’s huge, murderous bombardment which has killed tens of thousands, wounded many more and rendered two million homeless, or that it made no reference to either Khan’s charges of grave war crimes in this assault or the International Court of Justice’s conclusion, over six months ago, that Gaza’s population was at “plausible risk” of genocide – a risk that can only have increased with Israel’s defiance of the court’s instructions to change course. We need a whistleblower to tell us what the FO’s lawyers actually think.
很難想像拉米的實際法律建議——值得注意的是,他還沒有發表——如此輕易地駁回了以色列大規模、兇殘的轟炸,這場轟炸造成數萬人死亡,更多人受傷,200萬人無家可歸,或者它沒有提及無論是汗在這次襲擊中犯下嚴重戰爭罪的指控,還是國際法院在六個多月前得出的結論,即加沙人民面臨種族滅絕的“看似合理的風險」 — — 隨著以色列藐視法院的指示,這種風險只會增加改變路線。我們需要一名舉報人來告訴我們 FO 律師的真實想法。
In contrast to the Khan’s charge sheet or the ICJ’s judgements, Lammy and his paper skate very lightly over Israel’s outrages.
與可汗的指控單或國際法院的判決相反,拉米和他的文件對以色列的暴行非常輕描淡寫。
It is clearly more than credible, as the ICJ’s rulings suggest, that its attacks on Gaza’s civilians are not merely a series of individual war crimes, or even crimes against humanity, but reflect the overall, genocidal intent of Israeli leaders, amply demonstrated by their statements since October 2023, to cripple or destroy its people.
正如國際法院的裁決所表明的那樣,它對加薩平民的襲擊顯然不僅僅是一系列單獨的戰爭罪,甚至是反人類罪,而是反映了以色列領導人總體上的種族滅絕意圖,這一點通過他們的行為就得到了充分證明。
The court will have to decide this question, in response to the case that South Africa has brought against Israel, and Khan could also be considering genocide charges against Benjamin Netanyahu and his fellow-ministers (indeed also against Hamas leaders for the massacres of October 7).
法院必須就南非針對以色列提起的案件做出裁決,汗也可能會考慮對本傑明·內塔尼亞胡及其部長同事提出種族滅絕指控(實際上還針對哈馬斯領導人10 月7 日的大屠殺) )。
Yet Lammy feels able to ignore the whole issue, which amounts to genocide denial. Nor is this merely an arms trade or legal question.
然而拉米覺得可以忽略整個問題,這等於是否認種族滅絕。這不僅僅是軍火貿易或法律問題。
The UK has a military collaboration agreement with Israel, the details of which are classified, and it has deployed its military to the eastern Mediterranean to support Israel since last October.
英國與以色列簽訂了軍事合作協議,其細節屬於機密,並且自去年10月以來已在東地中海部署軍隊以支援以色列。
In political and diplomatic terms, British leaders have endlessly provided Israel with the cover of “self-defence”, although Israel is engaging in violent aggression against the civilian populations of illegally occupied territories. (Its legitimate defence needs could easily be met by pulling its forces back to its borders – if they had been there on 7 October, Hamas’ atrocities would never have happened).
在政治和外交方面,儘管以色列正在對非法佔領領土的平民進行暴力侵略,但英國領導人卻不斷地為以色列提供「自衛」掩護。 (其合法的防禦需求很容易通過將其部隊撤回邊境來滿足——如果他們在 10 月 7 日就到達那裡,哈馬斯的暴行就不會發生)。
If this is genocide, not only are Israel’s leaders guilty of orchestrating it, but the UK and other Western leaders are guilty of enabling it.
如果這是種族滅絕,那麼不僅以色列領導人有罪策劃它,而且英國和其他西方領導人也有罪。
You do not respond to genocide with gestures; you do not continue to treat a state that is suspected of committing genocide as an ally; and cancelling a number of export licences does not cancel Britain’s complicity.
你不會用手勢來回應種族滅絕;您不會繼續將涉嫌犯下種族滅絕罪的國家視為盟友;取消一些出口許可證並不能消除英國的共犯。
Lammy said that he was “looking forward”. But Labour needs a much more radical change of policy.
拉米表示他「很期待」。但工黨需要更徹底的政策改變。
The UK needs to use all its levers to help end Israel’s military action in Gaza, ensure its complete withdrawal from the territory, and allow international agencies full access to support the survivors, as well as halting Israeli aggression in the West Bank.
英國需要利用一切手段幫助結束以色列在加薩的軍事行動,確保其完全撤出該領土,並允許國際機構全面支持倖存者,並制止以色列對約旦河西岸的侵略。
The UK’s complicity over the last eleven months increases the government’s duty to abandon its support for Israel and seek justice for Palestinians.
英國在過去十一個月的共謀增加了政府放棄對以色列的支持並為巴勒斯坦人尋求正義的責任。
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